《多俾亚传》(托比特传)

与 The Book of Tobias (Tobit) 对照
C. F. DeVine
《多俾亚传》(托比特传)

303A 1:1 序言

303A 1:1 The Prologue

在本书的大多数形式中,故事都以一段简短的家谱序言开篇。这段序言在 VgVg 武加大译本(西斯笃-克雷芒版)中被缩写,这要么是因为圣耶柔米在他的亚兰文文本中没有找到它,要么是因为他故意将其缩短为核心要点,或许是由于他不喜冗长的家谱;参看 PLPL《拉丁教父全集》(Migne 编) 26, 594及以下。在整部《多俾亚传》的 VgVg 武加大译本(西斯笃-克雷芒版)中,耶柔米倾向于缩写或概括的倾向十分明显,尤其在这第一章中。很难确定此处家谱各种不同形式中,有多大一部分应被视为原始的。随后的地理名称也是如此。以下元素很可能为原始内容:「多俾亚,属阿息耳的后裔,属拿弗他利支派,来自该支派中位于上加利利的一座 特定 城市,该城在加低斯〔拿弗他利的〕 以南,在 Safed 之北,并有亚设〔哈措尔〕 在西面,被掳…」

In most forms of the book the story opens with a brief genealogical preface. This has been abbreviated in VgVg Vulgate (Sixtine-Clementine Edition), either because St Jerome did not find it in his Aramaic text or because he deliberately shortened it to essentials, perhaps because of his distaste for extended genealogies; cf. PLPL Patrologia Latina (Migne) 26, 594 f. A tendency to abbreviate or summarize on the part of Jerome is noticeable throughout the VgVg Vulgate (Sixtine-Clementine Edition) of Tobias, and particularly in this first chapter. It is difficult to determine just how much of the various forms of the genealogy here should be considered primitive. The same holds for the succeeding geographical designation. It is probable that the following elements are original: Tobias, of the seed of Asiel, of the tribe of Nephtali, of a certain city of that tribe which was situated in upper Galilee, being on the south of Qadesh [of Nephtali] and to the north of Safed, and with Aser [Hazor] to the West, was made captive

§ b. 210 多俾亚早年的敬虔。 第一章给出了总的历史背景。场景设定在「亚述王萨玛纳撒的日子」。尤其鉴于 1:18,这里相当清楚不可能是撒缦以色五世(公元前727722年),而必定是撒珥根二世(公元前721705年)。这一点有时被当作该书历史不准确的确凿证据。然而,这个难题并不严重。「萨玛纳撒」要么纯粹是文本错误,要么是受见于本书各种希腊文形式中的名称 恩美撒珥 影响而作的抄写修正。恩美撒珥 是一个未知的名字,但可以解释为复合亚述语形式(Šarru-ukîn)——即「撒珥根」的名字——倒置的结果。因此,此处的正确读法是 恩美撒珥,即撒珥根。这样,我们便处于公元前8世纪,先知以赛亚的时代,当时犹大和以色列王国分裂,亚述是占主导地位的世界强权。故事中的主要人物是多俾亚,他是北国的一位虔诚居民,被亚述入侵者掳去为俘。这种迁徙是保持被征服民族臣服的惯用手段。承认拿弗他利的多俾亚在公元前721年撒珥根攻占撒玛利亚之后的迁徙中被掳走,这并没有什么困难。因为,虽然拿弗他利曾有过更早的一次迁徙,但可以肯定当时并非所有居民都被掳走,并且我们很容易推测,撒珥根在攻取撒玛利亚返回时,也迁徙了以色列其他城市的一些居民。虽然被掳之民通常受到征服者的善待,但由于他们必然接触到异教影响,其宗教操守总存在着倒退的危险。然而,多俾亚被描绘为一个律法的忠实遵行者。

§ b. 210 Early Piety of Tobias. The general historical setting is given in this first chapter. The scene is laid in the days of Salmanasar king of the Assyrians. In view of 1:18, especially, it is quite clear that this cannot have been Shalmaneser V (727722), but must have been Sargon II (721705). This is sometimes urged as a clinching proof of the historical inaccuracy of the book. However, the difficulty is not serious. Salmanasar is either a pure textual error, or a scribal correction influenced by the name, Enemessar, found in the various Greek forms of the book. Enemessar is an unknown name, but it may be explained as the result of an inversion of the compound Assyrian form (Šarru-ukîn) of the name Sargon. Hence the correct reading here is Enemessar, i. e. Sargon. We are, then, in the days of Isaias the Prophet, in the 8th cent. b.c., when the kingdoms of Judah and Israel were divided, and Assyria the predominant world-power. The principal character in the story is Tobias, a pious inhabitant of the Northern Kingdom, who was carried into captivity by the Assyrian invaders. Such deportations were the common method of keeping the conquered peoples in subjugation. There is no difficulty in admitting that Tobias of Nephtali was carried off in the deportation of Sargon in 721, just after the capture of Samaria. For although there was an earlier deportation of Nephtali, certainly not all the citizens were carried off at that time, and Sargon can easily be presumed to have deported some of the inhabitants of the other cities of Israel on his return from the capture of Samaria. Although the exiles were usually treated well by the conquerors, there was always danger of a lapse in their religious observance due to the pagan influences to which they were necessarily exposed. Tobias, however, is pictured as a faithful observer of the law.

§ c. 4。「当他(我)还相当年轻时,拿弗他利全支派都背离了大卫家…」。5。拿弗他利支派随从了北国其他支派所追随的偶像崇拜行为,这一行为早在神的子民在耶罗波安治下分裂的早期就已设立,王上 12:19及以下。多俾亚(不必过于严格地理解 独自 一词;并非所有以色列人都叛教了)仍然忠于神。6。每年三次前往耶路撒冷圣殿的旅程是律法所规定的,出 23:17,为守逾越节、五旬节和住棚节。多俾亚履行了律法要求的旅程,而且献上了指定的初熟之果和什一奉献。有人根据希腊文文本提及三个等级的什一税这一事实,主张该书编纂年代较晚,这种论点并不完全令人信服。9。多俾亚娶了自己同族女子为妻,出 34:11及以下,或许也出自自己的支派和家族。托比特,这位父亲,给儿子起名叫多俾亚,与他自己的名字相似,参看 § 300e

§ c. 4. And when he (I) was still quite young all the tribe of Nephtali fell away from the house of David . 5. Nephtali had followed the idolatrous practices of the other tribes of the Northern Kingdom, instituted back in the early days of the division of the people of God under Jeroboam, 3 Kg 12:19 ff. Tobias (one need not take alone too strictly; not everyone in Israel apostatized) remained faithful to God. 6. The journey to the Temple at Jerusalem was prescribed three times a year, Ex 23:17, for the Feasts of the Pasch, Pentecost, and Tabernacles. Tobias made the journeys required by the Law and moreover offered the prescribed first-fruits and tithes. The argument advanced by some for the late composition of the book from the fact that the Greek mentions three classes of tithes is not wholly convincing. 9. Tobias took a wife of his own nation, Ex 34:11 f., and perhaps also of his own tribe and family. Tobit, the father, called his son Tobias, a name similar to his own, cf. § 300e.

§ d. 1117 多俾亚对被掳同胞的爱德11。从现有证据来看,要为《多俾亚传》建立一套完整的年表是非常困难的。VgVg 武加大译本(西斯笃-克雷芒版)在此可能暗示,多俾亚在他被掳时已经结婚并有了儿子。然而,大多数重要的文本见证并不支持这一点,并允许我们得出这样的结论:多俾亚是在被掳期间结婚并生子的。后一种观点似乎好得多,并且与整个叙述非常吻合。多俾亚被掳到尼尼微,这是亚述帝国最繁华的城市,并在不久之后,在西拿基立(公元前705681年)治下成为首都。14。其他形式的文本表明,国王撒珥根对多俾亚的英俊外表印象深刻,并任命他为自己的管家或采购官,参看 创 41:40及以下;但 1:1及以下。国王给予多俾亚的巨大自由不应被视为完全非同寻常,因为亚述人允许被掳之民享有相当程度的自由,希望他们会忘记故土。16。这位虔诚的青年善用了在王面前的恩宠,在遵守摩西律法规定的同时,设法为他的被掳同胞提供了极大的帮助。这里给出了他爱德与慷慨的一个例子,这个例子后来将对故事产生重要影响。拉格斯(Rhey 或 Rai,德黑兰附近的遗址?)是玛代人的一座城市,离尼尼微很远,但可以推想,多俾亚当时正在为王进行采购之旅。17。他借给加贝罗的贷款数额非常巨大,可能超过三千磅银子。

§ d. 1117 Charity of Tobias towards his Fellow-Captives11. From the available evidence, it is very difficult to establish a complete chronology for the Book of Tobias. VgVg Vulgate (Sixtine-Clementine Edition) would suggest here that Tobias was married and had a son at the time of his deportation. However, the greater number of important textual witnesses do not suggest this, and permit the conclusion that Tobias was married and begot his son during the captivity. This latter seems much the better view and fits in quite well with the whole narrative. Tobias was carried to Nineveh, which was the most flourishing city of the Assyrian Empire and became the capital city soon afterwards, under Sennacherib (705681). 14. The other forms of the text indicate that Sargon, the king, was impressed by the attractive appearance of Tobias and appointed him his steward, or purchasing-agent, cf. Gen 41:40 ff.; Dan 1:1 ff. The great liberty accorded to Tobias by the king is not to be considered as altogether unusual, for the Assyrians allowed the exiles a fair measure of freedom in the hope that they would forget the homeland. 16. The pious youth made good use of his favour with the king, and, while keeping the prescriptions of the Law of Moses, managed to be of great service to his fellow-captives. One example of his charity and generosity is given here which will later have an important bearing on the story. Rages (Rhey or Rai, ruins near Teheran?) was a city of the Medes, far distant from Nineveh, but it can be supposed that Tobias was on one of his purchasing trips for the king. 17. His loan to Gabelus was a very large one, probably amounting to more than three thousand pounds.

§ e. 1825 形哀矜善工18。既然西拿基立是撒珥根的儿子,而非撒缦以色之子,因此这里的「萨玛纳撒」一名,如同在第2和第13节中一样,必须校订为 恩美撒珥,即「撒珥根」。在圣经中,直接或间接的继任者常被称为「儿子」,但这似乎并非解决此处困难的办法。这更可能是一个文本错误的问题。本节及随后几节所记载的事实,与西拿基立时代的亚述记录以及圣经的历史参照相符;参看 王下 18:17及以下;赛 36及以下。2125。在 VgVg 武加大译本(西斯笃-克雷芒版) 之外的几乎所有文本形式中,这一部分都更为详细:多俾亚的善行以大致相同的形式被叙述,但 VgVg 武加大译本(西斯笃-克雷芒版) 完全省略了任何提及亚希卡尔之处,参看 § 301hi。在其他形式的文本中,亚希卡尔被描述为亚述王的管理官或监督者。他被称为多俾亚的堂亲,并且通过他在亚述王面前的求情,多俾亚被允许返回尼尼微。显然,第24节提到的时间间隔必定是指多俾亚的逃亡(23节),因此,应当理解这指的是西拿基立被刺杀前的一段时期;所以,这与大约二十年前发生的西拿基立从耶路撒冷撤退之事(21节)毫无关联。

§ e. 1825 Corporal Works of Mercy18. Since Sennacherib was the son, not of Shalmaneser but of Sargon, the name Salmanasar must be emended here, as in 2 and 13, to Enemessar, i.e. Sargon. In Scripture mediate as well as immediate successors are often called sons, but that does not appear to be the solution of the difficulty here. It is more likely to be a question of a faulty text. The facts related in this and the following verses correspond with the data found in the Assyrian records of the time of Sennacherib as well as with the historical references of the Bible; cf. 4 Kg 18:17 ff.; Is 36 f. 2125. In almost all forms of the text except VgVg Vulgate (Sixtine-Clementine Edition) this section is more detailed: Tobias good deeds are recounted in much the same form, but VgVg Vulgate (Sixtine-Clementine Edition) omits entirely any reference to Achikar, cf. § 301hi. In the other forms of the text Achikar is described as the administrator, or overseer, of the Assyrian king. He is called the cousin german of Tobias, and by his intercession with the king Tobias was permitted to return to Nineveh. It is clear that the time interval mentioned in 24 must refer to Tobias flight (23) and should, therefore, be understood of the period just preceding the assassination of Sennacherib; hence it has no connexion with Sennacheribs retreat from Jerusalem (21) which took place some twenty years earlier.