301A 本书的文学特征
301A Literary Character of the Book
这里处理的微妙而棘手的问题涉及这样一个问题:我们在这本书中处理的是哪种类型的文学?《多俾亚传》的故事应该被视为严格的历史,还是并非如此?因为,尽管该著作在任何意义上都是一部完全受默示的正典书卷,但这与说它讲述严格的历史是两回事,因为任何类型的文学都可以与圣经默示兼容,只要其本质并非不配于神。圣托马斯·阿奎那在几个世纪前就指出:「在圣经中,神的事物以人们普遍使用的方式呈现给我们。」然而,确定文学类型并非仅仅是文学问题,因为它必定极大地影响对本书后续的诠释。因此,整个问题必须谨慎处理。此外,最终决定必然在于教会,因为只有她是所有受默示圣经的无误诠释者。迄今为止,教会尚未明确表达她在这方面的意见。她给出了总体指示,但没有作出决定。最近,通谕《Divino Afflante Spiritu》中清晰而精确的指示,为这一问题的研究提供了新的动力。该通谕中关于「写作方式」或「文学形式」在圣经中的重要性的部分,极其宝贵。庇护十二世的这些指示,连同其前任以及教父和教会圣师的指示,都必须被寻求理解任何受默示文学真义的探究者所记取。
The delicate and vexatious problem here treated is concerned with the question: What type of literature are we dealing with in this book? Is the story of Tobias to be viewed as strict history or not? For, although the work is in every sense a fully inspired and canonical book, this is not the same thing as saying that it relates strict history, since any type of literature is compatible with biblical inspiration so long as it is not by its very nature unworthy of God. St Thomas Aquinas pointed out centuries ago that, ‘In Scripture divine things are presented to us in the manner which is in common use amongst men’. The determination of the type of literature, however, is not a mere literary problem for it must greatly influence the subsequent interpretation of the book. Hence this whole question must be handled with prudence and caution. Moreover, the ultimate decision must necessarily rest with the Church since she alone is the infallible interpreter of all inspired Scripture. Thus far the Church has not expressed her mind in this matter specifically. She has given general directions, but no decision. Quite recently, new impetus has been given to the study of the problem by the clear and precise directives of the Encyclical Divino Afflante Spiritu, which has an extremely valuable section on the importance of the ‘mode of writing’ or ‘literary forms’ in Sacred Scripture. These directives of Pius XII, as well as those of his Predecessors and the Fathers and Doctors of the Church, must be borne in mind by the investigator who seeks to attain the true sense of any inspired literature.
§ b. 简要审视一下本书的诠释史,就足以表明对其文学特征作出明确判断并非易事。教父们和古代作家在其著作中零散地提及《多俾亚传》,但没有给我们留下完整的注释。安波罗修关于多俾亚的著作实际上是一篇反对高利贷的论文。比德的作品几乎不能称为严格的注释,只是一个简短的寓意纲目。斯特拉波只是重复比德。古代人中,没有人给我们留下对《多俾亚传》文学特征的明确论述,或质疑其历史性。因此,在某种意义上,可以说他们假定这本书是严格历史性的,因为他们没有产生其他考虑。* 非天主教作者的名字*M. 路德是最早否认其历史性的人之一。对他而言,这是一出虔诚的戏剧,一个具有教导目的的传说。非天主教作者大多完全否认《多俾亚传》的历史性,将其视为诗歌虚构、纯粹的寓言或离奇的童话。少数公教作者表达了大致相同的观点,v.g. J. Jahn 和 C. Movers。然而,大多数公教学者认为这本书至少在某种程度上是历史性的;尽管 A. Scholz 提出了一个特殊的主观理论,认为《多俾亚传》是一个描述以色列在时间终结时回归教会的寓意性预言。在明确处理过这一问题的公教学者中,Gutberlet、Reusch、Vigouroux、Cornely-Merk、Galdos 等人为本书在所有细节上都严格历史性的观点辩护;其他人,如 Hummelauer、N. Peters、P. Vetter 和 A. Miller,则更倾向于认为本书在更广泛的意义上是历史性的:有一个明确的历史基础或核心,但作者的主要目的是教导性的。Vetter 是最早以深思熟虑的论证提出这一观点的人之一;Miller 最近以一种新的方式呈现了这一理论而引起了关注。由此可见,即使在公教学者中,对于《多俾亚传》的文学形式,观点也不统一。
§ b. A brief glance at the history of interpretation of our book suffices to show that a definite judgement on its literary character is not easily formed. The Fathers and ancient writers have scattered references to the Book of Tobias in their works, but they have left us no full commentary. Ambrose on Tobias is really a treatise against usury. Bede’s work can scarcely be called a strict commentary, being but a brief allegorical outline. Strabo is merely a repetition of Bede. None of the ancients has left us a definite treatment of the literary character of Tobias or questioned its historicity. In a sense, then, it may be said that they presumed that the book is strictly historical since no other consideration had arisen for them. * The names of non-Catholic writers*M. Luther was one of the first to deny its historical character. For him it was a devout drama, a legend with a didactic purpose. Non-Catholic authors, for the most part, deny altogether the historicity of Tobias, viewing it as a poetic fiction, a pure fable or a fantastic fairy-tale. A few Catholic writers expressed much the same views, v.g. J. Jahn and C. Movers. Most Catholic scholars, however, consider the book historical, at least to some extent; although A. Scholz proposed the peculiar subjective theory that Tobias is an allegorical prophecy describing Israel’s return to the Church at the end of time. Among Catholic scholars who have treated the problem expressly, Gutberlet, Reusch, Vigouroux, Cornely-Merk, Galdos and others defend a strictly historical conception of the book in all its details; others, as Hummelauer, N. Peters, P. Vetter and A. Miller prefer to view the book as historical in a broader sense: there is a definite historical foundation or nucleus, but the author’s principal purpose is didactic. Vetter was one of the earliest to propose this opinion with considered argumentation; Miller has recently attracted attention by presenting the theory in a new way. Thus it can be seen that even amongst Catholic scholars there has not been uniformity of viewpoint regarding the literary form of the Book of Tobias.
§ c. 很明显,在这个问题上存在两种截然对立的观点。(1)一种观点认为本书在每个细节上都是严格历史性的。其理由:教会的传统;本书显然有意叙述历史而非其他——它向我们讲述了真实人物在真实地理和历史环境中的事迹。(2)另一种观点断言《多俾亚传》的故事纯粹是虚构,并以以下理由为他们的立场辩护:书中存在足以破坏其历史性的历史性和地理性错误;叙事中很大一部分预设了超自然力量的介入,或明显意图暗示神迹的工作;书中多次提及「感恩死者」的寓言和亚希卡尔的传说。
§ c. It is apparent at once that there are two radically opposed views in this matter. (1) There is the opinion of those who hold that the book is strictly historical in every detail. Their reasons: the tradition of the Church; the fact that the book has every appearance of intending to relate history and nothing else–it gives us an account of real persons, in real geographical and historical circumstances. (2) Those who assert that the story of Tobias is pure fiction, and who defend their position with the following reasons: there are historical and geographical errors in the book sufficient to destroy its historicity; a good part of the narrative presumes the intervention of supernatural forces or is clearly intended to imply the working of miracles; there are several references in the book to the fables of the Grateful Dead and to the legend of Achikar.
§ d. 如果在我们目前的认识状态下能给出一个解决方案,它很可能介于这两种极端立场之间。确实,不带偏见地阅读本书,会使人得出结论:作者的明显意图至少是以一般方式叙述历史事件。这一证据点至关重要,必须纳入对问题的任何解决方案中。诉诸传统是否能得出本书必须在每个细节上被视为严格历史性的结论,是有疑问的。如前所述,古代人没有提出我们的具体问题。特利腾会议和梵蒂冈会议将《多俾亚传》列入历史书卷之列这一事实,几乎不能证明我们的书必须从最严格的历史意义来审视。诉诸§ e 格拉修斯法令(EBEB Enchiridion Biblicum 19)也不是决定性的。诚然,这份文件将《多俾亚传》列在 Item ordo historiarum(历史书卷目次)的标题下;但它也将《约伯记》列入同一列表,然而几乎没有人会认为《约伯记》在所有细节上都是一部历史著作。枢机主教会议(1912年6月29日)的一项法令,因 C. Holzhey 的著作观点十分大胆而禁止其在修院中使用。其中提到了关于《多俾亚传》的观点,即认为它是纯粹的诗意虚构。尽管如此,从这项法令并不能得出《多俾亚传》必须被视为严格历史意义上的著作,比如说,像《路加福音》那样。不过,由此可以推断,认为《多俾亚传》完全非历史且纯粹是虚构,将是冒失的。这是另一个极端作者的倾向;而且他们的论点甚至更没有证明力。因此,例如,断言《多俾亚传》中存在地理和历史错误,从而其历史性被破坏,是严重误读了证据。当前形式的书中确实存在历史性和地理性困难,但这些困难完全可以作为纯粹的文本问题加以解决。因此,它们不必归咎于原始作者,也不会以任何方式影响该书的文学特征。同样,叙事中超自然干预或神迹的事实也不会破坏其历史性。这纯粹是理性主义的观念。如果从解经上牢固确立了一个神迹的事实,就必须接受它;仅仅因为是神迹就拒绝它,则是不科学地进行研究。亚希卡尔传说与《多俾亚传》的关系将在 § 301 h–i 中讨论。
§ d. If a solution can be given in the present state of our knowledge, it probably lies somewhere between these two extreme positions. It is quite true that an unbiased reading of the book leads one to conclude that the author’s obvious intention was to relate historical happenings, at least in a general way. This point of evidence is capital and must enter into any solution of the problem. Whether an appeal to tradition yields the conclusion that the book must be considered strict history in every detail, is questionable. As has been already pointed out, the ancients did not pose our specific problem. The fact that the Councils of Trent and the Vatican list Tobias among historical books scarcely proves that our book must be viewed in the strictest historical sense. Nor is an appeal to the § e Decree of Gelasius (EBEB Enchiridion Biblicum 19) conclusive. True, this document lists Tobias under the heading, Item ordo historiarum; but it also includes the Book of Job in the same list, and yet scarcely anyone would consider Job an historical work in all its details. A decree of the Consistorial Congregation (29 June, 1912) excluded a work of C. Holzhey from use in Seminaries for its very audacious opinions. That concerning Tobias, which holds it to be pure, poetic fiction, is mentioned among others. Still, it does not follow from this decree that Tobias must be viewed as a work strictly historical in the sense, say, of St Luke’s Gospel. It would follow, though, that to consider Tobias as altogether unhistorical and as pure fiction would be presumptuous. This is the tendency of writers of the other extreme; and their arguments are even less probative. Thus, for example, to assert that there are geographical and historical errors in Tobias and that therefore its historicity is destroyed, is to misread the evidence badly. There are historical and geographical difficulties in the current forms of the book, but these can be solved adequately as purely textual problems. Hence they need not be imputed to the original author and do not affect the literary character of the book one way or the other. Nor does the fact of supernatural intervention, or of the miraculous, in the narrative destroy its historicity. This is a purely rationalistic conception. If the fact of a miracle is firmly established exegetically it must be accepted; to reject it solely because miraculous is to proceed unscientifically. The bearing of the Achikar legend on the Book of Tobias will be discussed § 301 h–i.
§ f. 总结起来,可以提出以下几点。教会对《多俾亚传》的文学形式尚未给出明确决定。然而,由于传统上这本书总是以某种方式被视为历史性的,并且由于作者的明显意图是为其故事提供一个真实的历史背景,解经者应考虑至少其实质性框架是历史性的。另一方面,由于故事叙述带有可察觉的艺术性,并且是为了灌输一种道德教训,其教导目的必须被视为作者的主要意图。这种教导目的并不破坏该书的历史基础。在此应回顾圣经委员会(1905年6月23日)关于那些全部或部分被视为历史性的圣经书卷的法令;cf. § 52j。如果这些书卷有时仅被认为给出了历史的外表,那么这一观点必须由坚实的论据来证明,并服从教会的最终决定。那么,《多俾亚传》的故事涉及真实历史事实这一观点是成立的,相反的观点必须逐一加以证明。鉴于本书文本尚不确定,目前几乎不可能更确定,或断言叙事的这一部分或那一部分是否是严格的历史。
§ f. By way of summary, the following points can be made. The Church has not yet given a definite decision concerning the literary form of the Book of Tobias. However, since traditionally the book has always been considered historical in some way, and since the author’s obvious intention is to give a real, historical setting to his story, the exegete should consider that at least the substantial framework is historical. Since, on the other hand, the story is related with perceptible artistry and to inculcate a moral, its didactic purpose must be considered the principal intention of the author. This didactic purpose does not destroy the historical foundation of the book. The decree of the Biblical Commission (June 23, 1905) concerning those books of Holy Scripture which are regarded as historical, either wholly or in part, should be recalled here; cf. § 52j. If such books are to be considered to give at times only the appearance of history, then this viewpoint must be proven by solid arguments and subject to the ultimate decision of the Church. The view, then, that the story of Tobias relates real historical facts is in possession, and the opposite must be proved in each case. On account of the doubtful state of the text of this book it is next to impossible at the present time to be more determinate or to say with certainty that this or that section of the narrative is, or is not, strict history.
§ g. 几个广为人知的传说或寓言与《多俾亚传》故事的联系,是一个相当重要的问题,因为它关系到我们这本书的文学特征。其中一些,如「感恩死者」的传说和埃及孔苏传说,几乎可以立即排除。「感恩死者」的故事与《多俾亚传》有着颇为怪诞的相似之处,但由于它不早于基督教时代,因此不可能与我们的书有文学上的关系,除非它可能是对《多俾亚传》的纯粹歪曲。孔苏寓言(cf. * 非天主教作者的名字*J. H. Breasted,《埃及古代记录》,3 (1906) 188 及以下)的编纂时间更早,但它与《多俾亚传》的唯一相似之处,在于对一位被邪灵或恶魔折磨的国王女儿的叙述——这是一个非常狭隘的基础,不足以建立任何形式的依赖关系。
§ g. The connexion of several widely-known legends or fables with the Tobias story is a question of some importance since it has a bearing on the literary character of our book. Some of these, such as the legend of the Grateful Dead and the Egyptian Khonsu legend, can be dismissed almost at once. The Grateful Dead story has a rather grotesque similarity to Tobias, but since it does not pre-date Christian times there can be no question of literary relationship to our book unless, perhaps, it is a pure distortion of Tobias. The Khonsu fable (cf. * The names of non-Catholic writers*J. H. Breasted, Ancient Records of Egypt, 3 (1906) 188 ff.) was composed earlier, but its only similarity to Tobias is in the account of the king’s daughter who was tormented by a spirit or demon–a very narrow basis on which to establish any sort of dependence.
§ h. 亚希卡尔的故事值得更多关注。这个故事在古代广为流传,无疑为犹太人所知,并且显然被他们所珍视,尽管其背景是异教的。它以多种语言、极其多样的形式流传给我们;cf. * 非天主教作者的名字*F. C. Conybeare, Harris, Lewis,《亚希卡尔故事》 (19132 版本号。)。简而言之,它讲述了亚述国王西拿基立的大臣亚希卡尔和他邪恶的侄子纳丹的故事。亚希卡尔将侄子当作自己的儿子抚养长大,然而这个忘恩负义的年轻人,没有汲取叔叔的虔诚和智慧,竟以极其狡诈的手段,成功地在国王面前诬告年迈的亚希卡尔叛国,并使其被判入狱。后来,邪恶被揭露,纳丹因其背叛付出了生命的代价。故事中点缀着许多亚希卡尔的箴言或格言,但最令人惊讶的是,亚希卡尔的故事被引用于当前形式的《多俾亚传》中。对一些人来说,仅这一事实就足以证明《多俾亚传》在任何意义上都不是作为历史来写的。他们声称,这清楚地表明,《多俾亚传》的故事是一个与亚希卡尔故事相似的传说或寓言,而《多俾亚传》的作者只是将亚希卡尔传说的某些部分融入了自己虚构的叙事中。整个问题牵涉甚广,且充满许多不确定性。
§ h. The story of Achikar deserves more attention. This tale, widely read in antiquity, was certainly known to the Jews and apparently treasured by them even though its setting was pagan. It has come down to us in a great variety of forms in many languages; cf. * The names of non-Catholic writers*F. C. Conybeare, Harris, Lewis, The Story of Aḥiḳar (19132 The number of the edition.). In brief, it relates the story of Achikar, the grand chancellor of king Sennacherib of Assyria, and his wicked nephew, Nadan. Achikar had brought up the nephew as his own son, and yet the ungrateful youth, who had not absorbed the piety and wisdom of the uncle, managed successfully, by very devious methods, to have the aged Achikar accused before the king of treason and condemned to prison. Later the evil was discovered and Nadan paid for his treachery with his life. The tale is embellished with a host of proverbs or maxims of Achikar, but the most surprising thing about it all is that the story of Achikar is quoted in the present form of the Book of Tobias. For some this fact alone has been sufficient proof that Tobias is not intended as history in any sense. It clearly shows, they claim, that the story of Tobias is a legend or fable similar to that of Achikar, and that the author of Tobias simply incorporated parts of the Achikar legend in his own fictitious narrative. The whole question is involved and is beset with many uncertainties.
§ i. VgVg 武加大译本(西斯笃-克雷芒版)和 DVDV 杜埃译本只有一处(11:20)引自亚希卡尔;在这段经文中,亚希卡尔和纳丹与多俾亚及其儿子一同为他们的好运而欢庆。《多俾亚传》的其他形式还提供了至少三处引自亚希卡尔的经文:1:21, 22;2:10;14:10。这些地方有充分的文本证据证明(除了 14:10 中的引用或许存疑),它们必须被视为可能是《多俾亚传》文本的一部分。此外,由于最近与亚希卡尔故事相关的发现,现在人们普遍承认,亚希卡尔故事在《多俾亚传》成书之前就已存在。然而,这本身并不足以确立《多俾亚传》在文学上必定依赖亚希卡尔。这两个叙事相当不同且各自独立,尽管两者都有明显的教导目的。而且,《多俾亚传》中引用的简短段落与《多俾亚传》故事的联系非常松散,即使删去它们,也丝毫不会影响故事本身。亚希卡尔的文本与《多俾亚传》的文本一样,流传至今都并不完整,我们对于亚希卡尔传说原始形式和语言的确定程度,并不比对于《多俾亚传》故事的更高。已有一些证据表明,亚希卡尔是一个真实的历史人物,其故事至少梗概是历史性的,但这并非完全确凿无疑。无论如何,在对亚希卡尔及其故事和言论与《多俾亚传》的关系作出明确判断之前,我们需要比现在拥有的多得多的证据。目前看来,最好的结论似乎是:即使《多俾亚传》中的亚希卡尔引文确实真实可靠——这一点尚可质疑——我们也不能从中推断出任何东西来证明或否定《多俾亚传》的历史性。
§ i. VgVg Vulgate (Sixtine-Clementine Edition) and DVDV Douay Version have only one citation (11:20) from Achikar; in this passage Achikar and Nadan are found rejoicing with Tobias and his son over their good fortune. The other forms of the Book of Tobias give also at least three further citations from Achikar; 1:21, 22; 2:10; 14:10. These places are so well attested by textual evidence that (except perhaps for the citation in 14:10) they must be considered as probably part of the text of Tobias. Furthermore, on account of recent findings in connexion with the Achikar story, it is now generally admitted that the story of Achikar was in existence before the composition of the Book of Tobias. This is not enough in itself, however, to establish a certain literary dependence of Tobias on Achikar. The two narratives are quite dissimilar and independent, although both have an obvious didactic purpose. Moreover, the brief sections cited in Tobias are so very loosely bound in with the Tobias story that they can be omitted without affecting it in the least. The Achikar text like that of Tobias has been only imperfectly transmitted, and we are no more certain of the original form and language of the Achikar legend than we are of the Tobias story. Some evidence has been produced to show that Achikar was a real, historical personage, and that at least the outline of his story is historical, but it is not altogether conclusive. At any rate, before making definite judgements on the relation of Achikar, and his story and sayings, to Tobias, we need much more evidence than we now possess. It would seem best to conclude at the present time that even if the Achikar citations in Tobias are certainly authentic, and this can still be questioned, we can deduce nothing from this to prove or reject the historicity of the Book of Tobias.