Translator’s Preface
译者序
The following Treatise is the message or teaching of S. Francis de Sales to the Calvinists of the Chablais, reluctantly written out because they would not go to hear him preach. The Saint neither published it nor named it. We have called it “The Catholic Controversy,” partly to make our title correspond as nearly as possible with the title “Les Controverses,” given by the French editor when the work was posthumously published, chiefly because its scope is to state and justify the Catholic doctrine as against Calvin and his fellow-heretics. It is the Catholic position and the defense of Catholicism as such. At the same time it is incidentally the defense of Christianity, because his justification of Catholicism lies just in this that it alone is Christianity and his argument turns entirely on the fundamental question of the exclusive authority of the Catholic Church as the sole representative of Christianity and Christ. This is the real point at issue between the Church and the sects, and therefore he, as officer of the Church, begins by traversing the commission of those who teach against her. He shows at length, in Part I, that she alone has mission, that she alone is sent to teach, and that thus their authority is void and their teaching but the vain teaching of men.
以下这篇论述是圣方济各·撒肋爵向夏布莱地区的加尔文主义者传达的信息或教导,由于他们不愿前来聆听他的宣讲,他不得已将其写成文字。这位圣人既未将其出版,也未命名。我们将其称为《大公论辩》,一方面是为了使我们的标题尽可能与法国编辑在作品遗著出版时所定的《论辩集》标题相对应,更主要的是因为其目的在于陈述并辩护大公教义,以驳斥加尔文及其同伙异端。这是大公立场,也是对天主教本身的辩护。同时,它也是对基督教的辩护,因为他对大公信仰的辩护恰恰在于:唯有大公信仰才是基督教,他的论证完全围绕大公教会作为基督教与基督的唯一代表的独有权威这一根本问题展开。这正是教会与各宗派之间争议的真正焦点,因此,作为教会的一员,他首先驳斥了那些反对教会教导者的委任。他在第一部分详细论证,唯有教会拥有使命,唯有教会受派遣去教导,因此他们的权威无效,他们的教导不过是人的虚妄教导。
This teaching he tests in Part II by the Rule of Faith. Assuming as common ground that the Word of God is the Rule of Faith, he shows that the so-called reformers have composed a false Scripture and that they err also in rejecting tradition or the unwritten Word of God. And then, proceeding to the central point of his case, he shows that while the Word of God is the formal Rule of Faith, is the external standard by which faith is to be measured and adjusted, there is need of a judge who may explain, apply and declare the meaning of the Word. That judge is the Holy Catholic Church. She is thus the necessary exponent of the Rule of right-believing, and each of the voices by which she utters her decision becomes also a part of the Rule of Faith, namely, her own general body, Councils, fathers and her supreme head and mouthpiece, the Pope, the successor of S. Peter and the Vicar of Christ. Miracles and harmony of doctrines may be considered the complement of the Rule of Faith. In all these matters the Saint proves conclusively that the Catholic Church alone fulfils the necessary conditions.
他在第二部分以信仰准则来检验这一教导。假设神的道是信仰准则这一共同基础,他表明所谓的改革者编造了虚假的圣经,并且他们在拒绝传统或未成文的神的道时也犯了错误。接着,他进入其论证的核心要点,表明虽然神的道是信仰的形式准则,是衡量和调整信仰的外部标准,但需要一个解释、应用并宣告神的道含义的审判者。这个审判者就是圣大公教会。因此,她是正确信仰准则的必要阐释者,而她表达决定的每一种声音也成为信仰准则的一部分,即她自身的全体、会议、教父,以及她的最高首领和代言人——教宗,圣彼得的继承者和基督的代表。奇迹与教义的和谐可以被视为信仰准则的补充。在这些所有方面,这位圣人明确证明,唯有大公教会满足了必要的条件。
In Part III he comes to the doctrines of the Church in detail, but of this part there only remain to us three chapters on the Sacraments and an Essay on Purgatory.
在第三部分中,他详细论述了教会教义,但这一部分只给我们留下了关于圣事的三个章节以及一篇论炼狱的文章。
This may suffice as to the aim and subject matter of the Treatise. Of its intrinsic merits the author’s name is sufficient guarantee, but we add more direct testimony because it is a new revelation of the Saint.
关于本书的目的与主题,以上所述或许已足够。作者的名声足以保证其内在价值,但我们还要提供更直接的见证,因为这是圣人的新启示。
The Bull of Doctorate calls it “a complete demonstration of Catholic doctrine.” Alibrandi, in the Processus, speaks of “the incredible power of his words” and says in particular that no other writer, as far as he knows, has “so conclusively, fully, and lucidly explained the Church’s teaching on the primacy, infallible magisterium, and other prerogatives of the successors of S. Peter.” Hamon, in his Life of the Saint,[n0001] says, “If we consider it, not as disfigured by its first editor, who made it unrecognisable in trying to perfect it, but as it left its author’s hands, we see that it is of inestimable value, that it presents the proofs of the Catholic Church with an irresistible force.” Its first editor, Léonard, says, “We are entirely of the opinion that this book deserves to be esteemed beyond all the others he has composed.” The Mother de Chaugy, superior of Annecy, in her circular letter of 1661 to the Houses of the Visitation, writes thus, “It is considered that this Treatise is calculated to produce as much fruit amongst heretics for their conversion as the Introduction to a Devout Life amongst Catholics for devotion. And their Lordships our Judges (for the cause of Canonization) say that S. Athanasius, S. Ambrose and S. Augustine have not more zealously defended the faith than our Blessed Father has done.”
博士诏书称其为「大公教义的完整论证」。阿里布兰迪在《审讯记录》中谈到「他话语不可思议的力量」,并特别指出,据他所知,没有其他作者「如此结论性地、全面且清晰地解释了教会关于首席权、无误训导权以及圣彼得继承者的其他特权」。哈蒙在其圣徒传记[n0001]中说:「如果我们不是考虑它被第一位编辑者——他试图完善它却使其面目全非——所扭曲的样子,而是考虑它离开作者之手时的原貌,我们会看到它具有无可估量的价值,它以不可抗拒的力量呈现了大公教会的证据。」它的第一位编辑者莱昂纳德说:「我们完全认同,这本书值得比他所撰写的其他所有作品更受珍视。」尚吉修女,安纳西的院长,在1661年致圣母访亲会各修道院的通函中这样写道:「人们认为,这本论著在异端中为促成他们的皈依所能产生的果实,如同《虔敬生活入门》在天主教徒中为虔敬所能产生的果实一样。我们的法官大人(为封圣案)说,圣亚他拿修、圣安波罗修和圣奥古斯丁捍卫信仰的热忱,也不及我们的可敬之父。」
Cardinal Zacchetti, in introducing the cause of Beatification, gives a further proof of its excellence in describing the effect it had on the obstinate men for whom it was composed: “When the inhabitants of the Chablais were forbidden by magisterial decree to attend his sermons or frequent his company, he began to fight with his pen, and wrote to them a letter accompanied with certain selected arguments for the Catholic faith, by which he recalled so great a multitude of wandering souls to the Church that he happily raised up and restored first Thonon and then the other parishes.”
扎凯蒂枢机在介绍真福品案时,通过描述这部作品对它所针对的顽固之人所产生的效果,进一步证明了其卓越性:「当沙布莱的居民被官方法令禁止参加他的讲道或与他频繁交往时,他开始用笔战斗,给他们写了一封信,并附上了一些为天主教信仰精选的论据,通过这些,他召回了如此众多的迷途灵魂归向教会,以至于他成功地首先复兴并恢复了托农,然后是其他堂区。」
And the power of the work lies not in its substance only but also in its manner. It is true controversy, yet unlike all other controversy. He seems to follow the same method as in his practical theology, making the difficult easy, turning the rough into smooth. What S. Thomas and the grand theologians have done for learned men, S. Francis has done for the general people. He ever seems to have little ones in his mind, to be speaking and writing for them. We see in this Treatise the leading of the same spirit which made him love to preach to children, and to nuns and to the poor country people; which made him keep in his own establishment and teach with his own lips the poor deaf-mute of whom we read in his life. It is in great measure this spirit which gives him such an affinity with our age in that sympathy with the weak and miserable, which is one of its best and noblest tendencies. And here again we have a striking proof of his genius. “It is perhaps harder,” say the Bollandists in their petition for his Doctorate (xxxv), “to write correctly on dogmatic, moral, and ascetic subjects in such a way as to be understood by the unlearned and not despised by the learned, than to compose the greater works of theology; it is a difficulty only overcome by the best men.”
这部著作的力量不仅在于其内容,也在于其表达方式。这是真正的论辩,却与所有其他论辩不同。他似乎遵循着与实践神学相同的方法——化难为易,转崎岖为平坦。圣托马斯与伟大的神学家们为学者所成就的,圣方济各则为普通民众成就了。他似乎心中常念着弱小者,为他们而宣讲、而写作。我们在这篇《论著》中,看到了那同一种精神的引领——正是这精神使他乐于向孩童、向修女、向贫穷的乡民讲道;正是这精神使他在自己的修院中收留并亲自教导那位我们在他的传记中读到的聋哑穷人。在很大程度上,正是这种精神,使他与我们这个时代产生了如此深刻的共鸣——即对软弱者与苦难者的同情,这是我们时代最美好、最高贵的倾向之一。而在此,我们再次看到了他天才的明证。正如博兰德派学者在为他的博士学位请愿时所言(第35页):「或许,以浅显易懂、既能让未受教育者理解又不为饱学之士所轻视的方式,正确地论述教义、伦理与灵修主题,比撰写宏大的神学著作更为困难;唯有最杰出的人才能克服这一难题。」
We must now satisfy our readers that we offer them a faithful text of a work of such extreme value. This is the more necessary on the ground that it is an unfinished and posthumous production, and it is especially incumbent upon us, because we put forward our edition as representing in English a first edition, the first printing of the true text. Ours is veritably a new work by S. Francis brought out in this 19th century.
我们必须向读者保证,我们呈献的是一部极具价值的作品之忠实译本。这一点尤为必要,因为这是一部未完成且身后出版的著作,而我们尤其有责任这样做,因为我们推出的译本在英语中代表的是初版,即真实文本的首印。我们的译本确实是圣方济各的一部新作,于十九世纪问世。
The original was written on fugitive separate sheets, which were copied and distributed week by week, sometimes being placarded in the streets and squares. The Saint did not consider them of sufficient importance to be mentioned in the list of his works contained in the Preface to the Love of God, but they were carefully written, and he preserved a copy more or less complete which bears marks of being revised by him later and which he speaks of to the Archbishop of Vienne (L 170) as “studies” suitable for use in a future work on “a method of converting heretics by holy preaching.”
原文是写在零散的纸张上,这些内容被逐周抄写并分发,有时还会张贴在街道和广场上。圣人认为这些内容不够重要,未在《神的爱》序言所列的作品清单中提及,但它们都经过精心撰写,他保存了一份或多或少的完整抄本,上面有他后来修订的痕迹,他在给维埃纳总主教(书信 170)的信中提到这些是「研究」,适合用于未来一部关于「通过圣洁讲道使异端归正的方法」的著作。
The first we hear of a portion of these sheets is in the “Life” by his nephew, Charles Auguste de Sales, who gives a rather full and very accurate analysis of them. They are labeled in his “Table des Preuves” (63) as follows: “Fragment of the work of S. Francis de Sales, Provost of Geneva, on the Marks of the Church and the Primacy of S. Peter; written partly with his own hand when he was at Thonon for the conversion of the Chablais. We have the original on paper.” These fragments were the chief part of the article on Scripture, the article on tradition, the chief part of the article on the Pope and half that on the Church. The parts “written with his own hand” were those on Scripture and tradition.
我们首次得知这些文稿的存在,是在他的侄子查理·奥古斯特·德·萨尔的《生平》中,书中对这些文稿进行了相当详尽且非常准确的分析。在他的《证据表》(63)中,这些文稿被标注如下:「日内瓦教长圣弗朗西斯·德·萨尔的著作片段,论教会标记与圣彼得首席权;部分是他亲笔所写,当时他在托农为沙布莱地区的皈依工作。我们有纸质原件。」这些片段构成了关于圣经条目的大部分内容、关于圣传的条目、关于教宗条目的大部分内容以及关于教会条目的半数内容。「亲笔所写」的部分是关于圣经和圣传的内容。
This abstract was made before 1633 (the Saint died at the end of 1622), and exactly a quarter of a century after that date, when Charles Auguste had been bishop 14 years, he “discovered” the whole manuscript as we have it now, except a comparatively small portion which was, and is, preserved at Annecy. The MS was contained with other papers in a plain deal box which for greater security during those disturbed times had been cemented into the thick wall of an archive-chamber. Of this fact he gave the following attestation:
这份摘要写于1633年之前(圣人于1622年末逝世),而恰好在那之后的二十五年,当夏尔·奥古斯特担任主教十四年时,他“发现”了我们如今所见的完整手稿,除了相对较小的一部分——这部分当时且至今仍保存在安纳西。手稿与其他文件一同存放在一个普通的松木箱中,为了在那些动荡年代里更安全,这个箱子被砌在档案室厚墙的灰泥里。关于这一事实,他提供了以下证明:
“We testify to all whom it may concern that on the 14th May of the present year 1658, when we were in our château of La Thuille, from which we had been absent fourteen years, and were turning over the records of our archives, we found 12 large manuscript books, in the hand of the venerable servant of God and our predecessor, Francis de Sales, in which are treated many points of theology which are in controversy between Catholic doctors and the heretics, especially concerning the authority of the Supreme Roman Pontiff and Vicar of Jesus Christ and successor of Blessed Peter. We also found three other books on the same matters, which were written by another hand except as to three pages which are in the hand of the aforesaid servant of God. All these we consigned to the Rev. Father Andrew de Chaugy, Minim, Procurator in the cause of Beatification of the servant of God.”[n0002]
「我们向所有相关人士作证:在本年(1658年)5月14日,当我们回到已离开十四年的拉图耶城堡,并翻阅档案记录时,发现了十二大本手稿册,乃由可敬的神仆、我们的前任方济各·撒肋爵亲笔所写,其中论述了许多神学议题,这些议题正是天主教神学家与异端之间争论不休的,尤其是关于罗马最高教宗、耶稣基督的代理者、真福彼得的继承人的权威。我们还发现了另外三本关于同样议题的书册,除三页为前述神仆手迹外,其余由他人抄写。所有这些,我们都已交付给安德肋·德·肖吉神父——可敬的极小兄弟会会士、神仆列品案的代理人。」[n0002]
Father de Chaugy, who sent, or probably took, them to Rome, gives the following attestation. The names of witnesses will easily be recognized by those who are familiar with the Saint’s life:
德·肖吉神父——他将这些文件送往罗马,或很可能亲自带往罗马——提供了以下证词。熟悉这位圣徒生平的人,能轻易认出这些见证人的名字:
“I, Brother Andrew de Chaugy, Minim, Procurator of the Religious of the Visitation for the Canonization of the venerable servant of God, M. de Sales, Bishop and Prince of Geneva, certify that I have procured to be witnessed that these present Manuscripts, which treat of the authority and primacy of S. Peter and of the sovereign Pontiffs his successors, are written and dictated in the hand and style of the venerable servant of God, M. Francis de Sales.
「我,安德肋·德·肖吉修士,最小兄弟会会士,为神可敬的仆人日内瓦主教兼亲王方济各·德·撒肋爵列圣品事之圣母往见会修女院代理人,兹证明:我已取得见证,确认此现存手稿——论圣彼得及其继任者至高教宗之权柄与首席地位——乃由神可敬的仆人方济各·德·撒肋爵亲笔书写并口述而成。」
“Those who have witnessed them are M. the Marquis de Lullin, Governor of the Chablais; the Reverend Father Prior of the Carthusians of Ripaille; M. Seraphin, Canon of Geneva, aged 80 years; M. Jannus, Superior of Brens in Chablais; M. Gard, Canon of the Collegiate Church of Our Lady at Annecy; M. F. Fauvre, who was 20 years valet to the servant of God.
「曾见证这些事的人有:沙布莱总督德·吕兰侯爵、里帕耶加尔都西会修道院院长神父、八十岁的日内瓦议事司铎塞拉芬、沙布莱布伦斯修道院院长雅努斯、安纳西圣母堂议事司铎加德、以及曾为神之仆服务二十年的仆人法夫尔。」
“All the above witnesses certify that the said writings are of the hand and composition of this great Bishop of Geneva, and they even certify that they have heard him preach part of them when he converted the countries of Gex and Chablais.”
「上述所有见证者均证实,所述文稿出自日内瓦这位伟大主教之手并由其撰写,他们甚至证实曾听闻他在皈依格克斯与夏布莱地区时宣讲其中部分内容。」
M. de Castagnery and M. de Blancheville testify that “part was written by the Saint, and that the other part, written by the hand of his secretary, was corrected by him.”
M. de Castagnery 与 M. de Blancheville 证实,「一部分由圣人亲笔书写,另一部分则由其秘书代笔,但经他本人校订。」
From the many other attestations given by the chief officials, ecclesiastical and civil, of the diocese and county, we select a part of one given by the Rev. Father Louis Rofavier, Chief Secretary to the Commission of Beatification and Canonization.
从教区与郡县众多教会及民事主要官员提供的其他证词中,我们选取了真福与封圣委员会首席秘书路易斯·罗法维耶神父证词的一部分。
“Amongst other most authentic papers there were found some cahiers in folio, written by the Saint’s own hand, and others by a foreign hand but noted and corrected by him, which proved to be one of the Treatises of Controversy composed by him during his mission to the Chablais … which Treatise was inserted in the Acts, and produced under requisition, that the court of Rome might have due regard to so excellent a work in defense of the Holy Roman Church. The requisition and production having been made it was judged fit to send the original to our Holy Father Pope Alexander VII…. I have had the honour of handling it and of inserting it in the Acts, and moreover of having a faithful copy of it made to be hereafter published.” The Marquis de Sales speaks of “two or three copies.”
「在众多最可靠的文献中,发现了一些由圣人亲笔书写的大开本笔记,以及另一些由他人书写但经他批注和修订的文稿,这些文稿证实是他于夏布莱传教期间撰写的争议论著之一……该论著被收录于档案中,并按要求呈交,以便罗马教廷能对这部捍卫神圣罗马教会的卓越著作给予应有的重视。按要求呈交后,认为应将原件呈送我们的圣父教宗亚历山大七世……我曾有幸处理此件并将其收录于档案中,此外还制作了一份忠实副本以备日后出版。」萨勒斯侯爵提到「两三份副本」。
The autograph, with the attestations in original, was deposited by the Pope in the archives of the Chigi family to which he belonged, and there we will leave it for the present while we follow the fortunes of the copy which had been made for publication. It was placed in the hands of Léonard of Paris, editor of the Saint’s other works, who brought it out in 1672. We have only to endorse M. Hamon’s quoted condemnation of this edition. Léonard himself says, “We have not added or diminished or changed anything in the substance of the matter, and only softened a few of the words.” But such an editor puts his own meaning on the expressions he uses. As a fact there is not a single page or half-page which does not contain serious omissions, additions and faulty alterations of matters more or less substantial. The verbal changes are to be counted by thousands; in fact the nerve is quite taken out of the expression, the terse, vigorous and personal sixteenth century language of the man of genius being buried under the trivial manner of the everyday writer employed by Léonard 80 years later. The style and wording of the original make it a monument of early French literature and the nascent powers of the French tongue.
原稿连同原始认证,由教宗存入其所属的基吉家族档案中,我们暂且将其留于彼处,转而关注那份为出版而制作的抄本的命运。该抄本被交付给巴黎的莱奥纳尔——这位圣者其他著作的编辑者——并于1672年出版。我们只需赞同阿蒙先生对此版本的谴责。莱奥纳尔本人声称:「我们未在实质内容上增删或改动任何内容,仅柔化了部分措辞。」然而,此类编辑者往往按其自身理解来运用其表述。事实上,没有一页或半页不包含严重的遗漏、增补及对或多或少的实质性内容的错误改动。文字上的变更数以千计;实际上,表达的力度被彻底抽空,那位天才人物在十六世纪所用的简洁、有力且极具个人特色的语言,被莱奥纳尔八十年后所雇用的日常写手那平庸的文风所掩埋。原作的风格与措辞,使其成为早期法国文学及法语初生力量的一座丰碑。
Léonard, again, has garbled the Saint’s quotations and almost habitually given the wrong references to the Fathers. In the MS the citations are in almost every case correct as to the sense though free as to the words, and the references are most exact, though too hastily and briefly jotted down to be of much use to a careless and self-sufficient editor.
莱昂纳德又一次把圣人的引文弄得乱七八糟,几乎习惯性地给出了教父著作的错误出处。原稿中的引文虽然措辞上较自由,但在意思上几乎每次都准确无误,出处也极其精确,只不过因匆匆草草写得太简略,对一个粗心又自负的编辑没什么用处。
Finally, Léonard has made most serious mistakes as to order. He has quite failed to grasp the true division of Part II, simple and logical as it is. He has mingled in almost inextricable confusion the sections on the Church, the Councils, the fathers miracles, and reason,[n0003] he has unnecessarily repeated sections on Scripture and on the indefectibility of the Church, while saying no word of a second recension of the section on the Pope which contains some important additions to the first. He has dragged out of their proper places parts on the unity of the Church, on miracles, and on the analogy of faith and thrust them respectively into the sections on the Pope, on the sanctity of the Church and on the fathers. In some places he alters the past tense into the future to suit his changes, instead of letting himself be guided back to the true order, and when he finds the Saint speaking of the last part as Part III, he drops the numeral rather than give up his mistake in making it Part IV. He says the division into three parts is the Saint’s own. So it is, but Léonard does not follow it. He makes four parts, dividing Part II into two and then goes on to blame S. Francis for making a subsection into a section. He divides the Treatise into “discours,” which is just what they were not. They had been; that is, the book was worked up from sermons, but the Saint’s very point was to turn these into ordinary writings, and he always speaks of his own divisions as chapters and articles.
最后,莱奥纳尔在结构安排上犯了极其严重的错误。他完全未能把握第二部分那简单而合乎逻辑的真正划分。他将关于教会、大公会议、教父、神迹和理性的章节几乎不可救药地混淆在一起[n0003];他毫无必要地重复了关于圣经和教会不可谬性的章节,却对关于教宗那一章的第二修订版(其中包含对第一版的一些重要增补)只字未提。他将关于教会合一、神迹以及信德类比的部分从其应有的位置抽离,分别塞进了关于教宗、教会圣洁以及教父的章节中。在某些地方,为了适应自己的改动,他甚至将过去时态改为将来时,而不是让自己回归正确的顺序;当他发现圣人将最后一部分称为第三部分时,他宁可舍弃这个数字,也不愿放弃自己将其定为第四部分的错误。他说分为三部分是圣人自己的划分。确实如此,但莱奥纳尔并未遵循。他分成了四部分,将第二部分一分为二,然后反而指责圣方济各将一个子节变成了章节。他将这部论著划分为“讲道”,而这恰恰不是它们本来的面貌。它们曾经是讲道;也就是说,这本书是由讲道加工而成,但圣人的本意正是要将这些转变为普通的著作,并且他总是称自己的划分为章和节。
Such was Léonard’s edition of 1672, and we find no further edition until that of Blaise in 1821, which is merely a reprint as far as the Saint’s own words go. It has thus almost all the faults of the first edition, with such deliberate further alterations as approved themselves to the Gallican editor. Some of the quotations are verified and references corrected, the discredit of the mistakes being attributed to the author instead of the first editor. The notes are the special feature, the special disgrace, of this edition. The editor cannot forgive S. Francis for upholding the full authority of the Pope and the true principles of the Church with regard to such matters as miracles and heresy, and his notes on the chapters treating of these subjects are full of such expressions as these: “the saintly author’s innumerable negligences”; “facts whose falsehood is generally recognised”; “this sketch of the life of S. Peter must be corrected by reference to Fleury and others”; “with what superiority Bossuet treats the question!”; “the Saint here” (speaking of the shameless Marot) “quits his usual moderation”; “there reigns such an obscurity, such confusion in his citations”; “he has quoted wrongly according to his custom”; “this miracle is no better witnessed than most”; “the relation of so many miracles shows that in his time there was little criticism”; “here he argues in a vicious circle.” Blaise’s chief indignation is reserved for the famous list of papal titles, on which he permits himself the following remark at the end of a note of three pages: “S. Francis de Sales has collected at hazard fifty titles accorded to the Apostolic See. It would have been easy to augment the number without having recourse to forged records, false decretals, and a modern doctor, and still that would not be found which is sought for with so much ardour.”
这便是 1672 年莱奥纳尔的版本,此后直到 1821 年布莱兹的版本,我们才见到新的版本问世。就圣人自己的文字而言,这不过是一次重印。因此,它几乎保留了初版的所有错误,并掺杂了这位高卢派编辑自认为合宜的刻意改动。部分引文得到了核实,参考文献也做了修正,但错误的污名却被归咎于作者而非初版编辑。注释是这一版本的特殊之处,也是其特殊的耻辱。这位编辑无法原谅圣方济各·撒肋爵维护教宗的完整权威以及教会关于奇迹与异端等事务的真正原则,他在处理这些主题的章节注释中,充满了诸如以下的表述:「这位圣洁作者数不清的疏忽」;「其虚假性已广为人知的事实」;「这段关于圣彼得生平的概述必须参照弗勒里等人的著作加以修正」;「博叙埃处理此问题的方式何其卓越!」;「圣人在此(谈及无耻的马罗)偏离了他一贯的节制」;「他的引证中弥漫着如此晦暗、如此混乱」;「他照例引证错误」;「这个奇迹的见证并不比大多数奇迹更好」;「叙述如此多的奇迹表明,在他那个时代,批判精神甚为匮乏」;「他在这里陷入了循环论证」。布莱兹的主要愤慨,留给了那份著名的教宗尊号列表,他在一条长达三页的注释末尾,容许自己作出如下评论:「圣方济各·撒肋爵随意收集了五十个授予宗座的尊号。即便不借助伪造的文献、虚假的教令集以及一位近代博士,要增加这个数目也轻而易举,然而人们如此热切追寻的东西,依然无法找到。」
We see how low the credit of the work must have been brought by a corrupt text and such annotations as these. It was not till 1833 that the publication by Blaise, in a supplementary volume of part of the section on papal authority, began to give an idea of the way in which the Saint had been misrepresented. Blaise’s naïve commendation of this part is the condemnation of all the rest, which is neither better nor worse than the section he amended: “This piece already forms part of our collection of the Works in the ‘Controversies,’ but so disfigured that we do not hesitate to offer it here as unpublished (inédite).” What he did for a part we have done, in an English version, for the whole. Vivès in 1858 and Migne in 1861 brought out editions in which the new part was printed and which had the grace to omit the Gallican notes, but otherwise the text remained the same as in the previous editions, no serious attempt apparently being made to follow up Blaise’s discovery. Even the Abbé Baudry, who spent his life collecting, throughout France and Northern Italy, materials bearing on the life and works of S. Francis, and who made researches in the Vatican Library, only got so far as to have heard that the autograph was in the Chigi Library. It was brought forward at the Vatican Council and made an immense impression upon the fathers. But it was reserved for the present publishers and translator to have the singular honor of resuscitating this glorious work and of bringing it out in its true and full beauty.
由此可见,这部著作因文本的讹误与诸如此类的注释,其可信度已降至何等低微的地步。直到1833年,布莱斯在补编卷中发表了关于教宗权威的部分章节,人们才开始意识到圣人的思想是如何被曲解的。布莱斯对此部分的质朴赞誉,实则是对其余所有部分的谴责——那些部分与他所修订的章节相比,既无更好,也无更差:「此篇虽已收录于我们的《论战集》中,但已被篡改得面目全非,故我们毫不犹豫地在此将其作为未刊稿(inédite)呈现。」布莱斯为部分章节所做的,我们已通过英译本为全书完成。维韦斯于1858年、米涅于1861年出版了新版,其中收录了新发现的章节,并明智地删除了高卢派的注释,但除此之外,文本仍与先前版本相同,似乎并未认真尝试跟进布莱斯的发现。甚至毕生致力于在法国与意大利北部收集有关圣方济各生平与著作资料的博德里神父,虽曾在梵蒂冈图书馆进行研究,也仅止于听闻手稿存于基吉图书馆。这部手稿在梵蒂冈大公会议上被提出,给与会教长们留下了深刻印象。然而,使这部辉煌著作得以复活、并以真实完整的面貌呈现于世,这一殊荣却留给了当前的出版者与译者。
This autograph, still preserved in the Chigi Library, is a richly bound volume of foolscap size containing 155 sheets numbered on one side, thus making 310 pages. It is in bold writing, perfectly clear and easy to read but with corrections and slips. Nearly every page has a cross at the top. The arranging and numbering of the sheets is not the Saint’s, and there is much disorder here. There are some repetitions, chiefly on the Pope and on Scripture, and slight variations, as might be expected in a work composed as this was, the Saint probably making more than one copy himself. We call it the autograph; two portions of it, however, are not autograph but, as the attestations say, written by a secretary and only noted and corrected by the Saint, namely, (1) sheets 76 to 90, containing the chief part of the section on Purgatory, and (2) one of the two recensions of the part on the Pope and about half the section on the Church, sheets 121 to 155. We mention this in order to be strictly accurate, but there is no difference to be made between the autograph and the nonautograph parts. All the sheets were together, the section on Purgatory is taken up by the Saint in the middle of a sentence and completed by himself, the nonautograph part on the Church fits exactly into the autograph part, was analyzed by Charles Auguste as the Saint’s work within ten years after his death, and contains two chapters which occur again in autograph in Part I. The two recensions of the part on the Pope only differ in order and in a few sentences, those on Scripture are both in the Saint’s hand. The nonautograph part on the Church is extremely difficult to read, being badly written in German characters and badly spelt.
这份手稿现存于基吉图书馆,是一册装帧精美的便笺尺寸书籍,内含155张单面编号的纸张,共计310页。字迹粗犷,清晰易读,但带有修改与笔误。几乎每页顶端都有一个十字标记。纸张的整理与编号并非圣人亲笔所为,此处颇为混乱。存在若干重复之处,主要涉及教宗与圣经部分,并有细微差异——这在一部如此创作的作品中实属意料之中,圣人很可能亲自誊写了不止一份副本。我们称之为手稿;然而其中两部分并非亲笔,如证明文件所言,是由秘书书写,仅经圣人批注与修改,即:(1)第76至90页,包含关于炼狱章节的主要部分;(2)关于教宗部分的两种修订版本之一,以及关于教会章节的大约一半内容,即第121至155页。我们提及此事以求绝对精确,但亲笔与非亲笔部分之间并无实质区别。所有纸张均在一起,炼狱章节由圣人在句子中途接手并亲自完成;教会章节的非亲笔部分与亲笔部分衔接紧密,在圣人去世十年内由查理·奥古斯特分析认定为圣人作品,并包含两个在第一部分中再次以亲笔形式出现的章节。教宗部分的两种修订版本仅在顺序与少数句子上有所差异,圣经部分则均为圣人亲笔。教会章节的非亲笔部分极难阅读,因其以拙劣的德文字符书写且拼写不佳。
With the autograph is a copy, of the same date, bound in the same way, and very possibly one of the several copies spoken of by the Marquis De Sales. The writing is like print, large and clear, except in the last part, containing the second recension on the Pope and half the section on the Church, which are written in a cramped hand and being copied from the difficult German character that are full of misspellings and grammatical errors. The copy contains 207 sheets, numbered only on one side, forming 414 pages. It is not quite complete, omitting the chief part of the article on Scripture, the first half of that on the Church and the whole of tradition. Except that it is not complete this copy is an exact transcript of the original, with which it has been most carefully collated. Our version has been made from this copy, graciously lent to us by Prince Chigi. The translator’s brother has transcribed for him the omitted parts.
与亲笔手稿一同的是一份抄本,日期相同,装订方式相同,很可能就是德·萨莱斯侯爵提及的若干抄本之一。其字迹如印刷体般大而清晰,唯最后部分——即关于教宗的第二修订稿及关于教会的一半内容——字迹拥挤,且因抄自难以辨认的德文字符,充满拼写与语法错误。该抄本共207张,仅单面编号,合计414页。它并不完整,遗漏了关于圣经条文的主要部分、关于教会条文的前半段,以及圣传的全文。除不完整外,此抄本为原稿的精确誊录,已与原稿进行过极为细致的校勘。我们的译本即依据此抄本制作,承蒙基吉亲王惠允借阅。译者的兄弟已为他誊录了缺失的部分。
This Roman MS is our chief but not our only source. There is also an autograph portion of the work at Annecy, certified by the Vicar General of the diocese, Poncet, in an attestation given June 11th, 1875, and by the Mother Superior, exactly fitting in to the other MS It contains some further most important portions on the Pope and on the Church and almost all we have on Councils. This autograph has been printed for private circulation in the Processus, of which we have procured a certified copy.
这份罗马手稿是我们主要的,但并非唯一的资料来源。在安纳西还存有该著作的一份亲笔手稿部分,由教区总代牧庞塞于1875年6月11日出具的证明,以及由女修院院长出具的证明所认证,其内容与另一份手稿完全吻合。它包含了关于教宗和教会的一些极为重要的补充部分,以及我们关于大公会议内容的几乎所有论述。这份亲笔手稿已为私人流通而印刷在《Processus》中,我们已获得其认证副本。
Our first duty was to arrange the Treatise in its proper order. Here the autograph and the copy were different from each other and from the printed text. The parts misplaced had to be brought back and the whole distributed according to the logical plan laid down by the saintly author in the introduction to Part II. The Annecy autograph had to be rightly joined with the Roman. Then came the question of omitting repetitions, namely, the parts on scandal, on Scripture and on the Pope. Then had to be studied the many single sentences and words about which any difficulty arose. Such difficulties were not frequent concerning the autograph part, but in the nonautograph part they frequently occurred. The original was hard to make out, the copy was not of great assistance here, the printed text was all wrong. Sometimes the consideration of one word would occupy an hour or more in Rome or in England. But success was at last obtained, except in the three instances mentioned in the notes,[n0004] and scarcely amounting to two lines in all. The quotations had to be carefully verified and the true references given: the original was found to be correct in almost every instance. In fine, titles had to be placed to the three parts and to such articles and chapters as had not received their headings from the Saint. We will now indicate the points which we consider to deserve special notice.
我们的首要任务是按正确顺序整理《论著》。在此,手稿与抄本彼此不同,也与印刷版本相异。必须将错置的部分归位,并依照圣作者在第二部分引言中设定的逻辑计划来分配全书。必须将安纳西手稿与罗马手稿正确拼接。接着是删减重复部分的问题,即关于丑闻、圣经和教宗的部分。然后需要研究众多引起任何困难的单句和词语。这些困难在手稿部分并不常见,但在非手稿部分却频繁出现。原始文本难以辨认,抄本在此处帮助不大,印刷版本则完全错误。有时,在罗马或英格兰,斟酌一个词就要花费一小时或更长时间。但最终我们取得了成功,除了注释中提到的三个实例[n0004],总共几乎不超过两行。引文必须仔细核对,并给出正确的出处:几乎在每一处,原始文本都被发现是正确的。最后,必须为三个部分以及那些圣作者未加标题的文章和章节添加标题。现在,我们将指出我们认为值得特别注意的要点。
(1) The General Introduction will be seen to be made up, in the French text, of two parts. The ending of the first appears in the middle of the united parts. As the same words form the end of the whole Introduction (p. 10), we have omitted them on p. 4.[n0005] There is a second copy of that part of the Introduction which treats of scandal, carefully corrected by the Saint. We give it at the end of our Preface.
(1)在法语文本中,总引言由两部分组成。第一部分结束于两部分合并的中间位置。由于相同的词语构成了整个引言(第10页)的结尾,我们在第4页省略了它们。[n0005] 引言中关于丑闻的部分还有一份副本,由圣人仔细修订过。我们在前言末尾提供了这份副本。
(2) The Discours, which is called the first in the French being repeated in the second and third, we have omitted it, greatly clearing the text. The Saint gives no guide to the divisions here; we have therefore made our own divisions and titles of the first four chapters.
(2) 由于《论说》——在法文版中被称为第一篇——在第二、第三篇中重复出现,我们已将其省略,从而大大精简了文本。圣人在此未提供章节划分的指引;因此,我们自行划分了前四章并拟定了标题。
(3) The Introduction to Part II has a second treatment in another part of the MS, but there is no practical difference between the two. This Introduction is important as regulating the number of parts and the order of articles and chapters. Three parts,[n0006] and three parts only, are mentioned, and this division is confirmed in the Introduction to the next and last part. The eight articles of Part II are clearly indicated on p. 86.
(3)第二部分引言在文稿的另一处有第二次处理,但两者之间并无实际差异。此引言至关重要,因为它规定了各部分的数目以及各章节与条目的顺序。文中提及三个部分[n0006],且仅此三个部分,这一划分在下一部分(即最后一部分)的引言中得到确认。第二部分的八个条目在第86页有明确标示。
(4) Of the first part of Article I, on Holy Scripture, we have two very similar recensions. The first editor, who has been followed in subsequent French editions, adopted the plan of giving first the four chapters of the one, afterward the four chapters of the other, with the effect of burdening his text and confusing his readers. We have united the chapters which have the same titles, our table of contents showing the way in which the chapters have been blended. We have made an exception as to c. 7 (the matter of which is given again in cc. 5, 8), because the arguments are put differently and from a different point of view. In c. 5 the Saint gives the heretical violation of Scripture as a consequence of their belief in private inspiration, in the others he gives them absolutely. In this part, particularly at the end of Discours xxxiii, the MS gives many slight directions for locating the different points treated. Similar indications appear here and there throughout, and we need scarcely say that the Saint’s intentions have been religiously observed by us.
关于第一条「论圣经」的第一部分,我们有两种非常相似的修订版本。首位编者——其编排方式被后续的法文版本沿用——采取了先呈现某一版本的四章内容,再呈现另一版本四章内容的方案,这导致文本显得冗赘且令读者困惑。我们已将标题相同的章节合并,目录表展示了章节融合的方式。但第七章(其内容在第五、八章中再次出现)我们作了例外处理,因为该章的论证方式与视角均有所不同。在第五章中,圣人将异端对圣经的曲解归因于他们相信私人启示;而在其他章节中,他则直接予以陈述。在这一部分,尤其是第三十三篇论述的结尾处,手稿提供了许多关于各论点位置的简要指引。类似的提示性标记散见于全文各处,我们无需多言,已虔敬地遵循了圣人的本意。
(5) In cc. 9, 11 of Article I we have quotations from Montaigne. The fact of quoting him was made an objection against conferring the doctorate, on the ground that Montaigne was not only a profane but also an irreligious and immoral writer. The objection is sufficiently answered by Alibrandi’s reference to the practice of S. Paul and the fathers, but there is a much fuller defense than that, both of the Saint and of Montaigne. It is enough here to say that these passages are taken from the grand and most religious essay “On Prayer,” near the beginning of which Montaigne speaks of what he calls his fantaisies informes et irresolues: “And I submit them to the judgment of those whose it is to regulate not only my actions and my writings but my thoughts likewise. Equally well taken by me will be their condemnation or their approbation, and I hold as impious and absurd anything which by ignorance or inadvertence may be found contained in this rhapsody contrary to the holy decisions and commands of the Catholic, Apostolic, and Roman Church, in which I die and in which I was born. Wherefore, ever submitting myself to the authority of their censure, &c.”
(5) 在第一条的第九、十一款中,我们引用了蒙田的话。引用他这一事实曾被作为反对授予博士学位的理由,理由是蒙田不仅是一位世俗作家,而且是一位不敬虔、不道德的作家。阿利布兰迪引用圣保罗和教父们的做法,已足以回应这一反对意见,但还有对圣人和蒙田更充分的辩护。在此只需说明,这些段落取自那篇宏大且极具宗教性的文章〈论祈祷〉,在文章开头附近,蒙田谈到他所谓的「不成形且犹豫不决的幻想」:「我将它们提交给那些有权规范我的行为、我的文字乃至我的思想的人来评判。他们的谴责或赞许,我都同样乐意接受。我视任何因无知或疏忽而可能在这篇杂文中发现的、与天主教、使徒、罗马教会的圣洁决议和诫命相违背的内容为不敬虔和荒谬的,我在这教会中出生,也将在其中死去。因此,我始终服从于他们审查的权威,等等。」
(6) Immediately after Scripture and tradition we place the article on the Church. The French editions have here put that on the Pope, probably on account, originally, of a marginal note in the MS at the beginning of that section: “this chapter to be put first for this part.” The same note it probably was which led them to make this article the commencement of a Part III. It ought to have been clear that the Saint used the word part not for a division of his work but in the sense of subject.
(6) 紧随圣经与圣传之后,我们安排了关于教会的那一章。法文版本在此处放置了关于教宗的那一章,很可能是因为原稿中该章节开头有一条旁注:「本章应作为此部分的首章。」很可能正是这条旁注引导他们将这一章作为第三部分的开始。应当清楚的是,圣人使用「部分」一词并非指其著作的划分,而是指「主题」。
We have said that nothing can be more incorrect and confusing than the order of the French printed texts in Article III. The first four pages are right, though under a wrong title, but on p. 153 we come to a broken sentence:[n0007] “every proposition which stands this test …” Léonard quickly finished it off with “is good” and then goes off in the same Discours to the subject of Councils. We have been fortunate enough to find the continuation of the sentence and chapter in the Annecy autograph, which we now begin to use for the first time. “… I accept as most faithful and sound.” It is not necessary to make further mention of the errors of the French editions down to our Chapter IV. Our Chapter II begins with another section from the Annecy MS. We have brought back the chapter On the Unity of the Church in Headship to its proper place here (c. 3) and relegated the parts on fathers, Councils and the Pope to their proper places elsewhere. With regard to the exquisite passage on the analogy between the Creed and the Blessed Sacrament, whilst it certainly does not come between the fathers and the Church where Léonard has thrust it (Discours XLVI), we cannot be certain that it belongs strictly to Article VIII (c. 2), where we have placed it, though it treats of the same subject. It exactly occupies sheet 31 of the Roman autograph, and we are inclined to think that it was a sheet sent round separately. It may have been an abstract of his little printed work, Considerations on the Creed, and perhaps may have helped to produce the good effect referred to in a letter to Favre (5), written about the time when it would be going about: “The ministers have confessed that we drew good conclusions from the Holy Scriptures about the mystery of the Holy Sacrament of the Altar.”
我们说过,法国印刷文本在第三篇中的编排是最不正确且最令人困惑的。前四页的内容是正确的,尽管标题是错误的,但到了第153页,我们遇到了一句断句:「每一个通过这一检验的命题……」莱昂纳德迅速将其补全为「是好的」,然后在同一篇《论述》中转向了关于会议的主题。我们幸运地在安锡手稿中找到了这句话及章节的后续部分,现在我们首次开始使用它。「……我接受为最忠实且健全的。」无需进一步提及法国版本直至我们第四章的错误。我们的第二章始于安锡手稿的另一部分。我们将《论教会元首的统一性》一章恢复到了此处(第三章)的适当位置,并将关于教父、会议和教宗的部分移至其他适当位置。关于那段精美的论述——论信经与圣体之间的类比——虽然它确实不应出现在莱昂纳德强行插入的地方(《论述》第四十六篇,介于教父与教会之间),但我们无法确定它严格属于第八篇(第二章),尽管我们将其置于此处,且它讨论的是同一主题。它恰好占据了罗马手稿的第31页,我们倾向于认为它是单独分发的一页。它可能是他印刷的小册子《信经思考》的摘要,或许有助于产生他在写给法弗雷的信(5)中所提及的良好效果,该信大约写于它流传之时:「牧师们承认我们从圣经中得出了关于圣体奥秘的良好结论。」[n0007]
(7) Our text now runs on in substantial agreement with the French until the end of the article on the Church, except that we have transferred part of the section on miracles to its proper place as Article VII and omitted from cc. 13, 14 what is already given in Part I.
(7) 我们的文本现在与法文版基本一致,直到关于教会的文章结束,除了我们将关于神迹的部分内容移至其适当位置作为第七条,并从第13、14章中删除了已在第一部分中给出的内容。
The verbal corrections, however, required in this article are very numerous. After c. 3 the MS ceases for a time to be autograph, and the German character has puzzled our copyist and much more the French editor. Some examples may be of interest.
然而,本文所需的文字修正之处甚多。第三章之后,手稿暂时不再是作者亲笔书写,其德语字体令我们的抄写员困惑不已,更让法国编辑者为难。以下列举若干实例,或许能引起读者的兴趣。
“Si fecond” becomes “et tailleurs” in the copy; Léonard removing the difficulty by substituting a safe but irrelevant text. “Frederick Staphyl” is in the copy “Sedenegue Stapsit,” afterward “Seneque Staphul” or “Staphu,” Blaise supplying the note “unknown work of an unknown author.” Vivès gives “Tilmann, Heshisme et Oraste;” he also has “Vallenger” for “Bullinger” and “Tesanzaüs” for “Jehan Hus”; both editors have “Tanzuelins” instead of “Zuingliens.” There is some excuse for the word “vermeriques,” which we have translated “fanatic” (p. 174); it turns out to be “suermericos,” a favorite word with Cochlæus, probably from schwärmer. “Diego of Alcala” becomes “Diogenes of Archada,” “Judas” is put for “Donatus”; “Heshushius,” “Zosime,” or “Zuingle” for “Ochin.” “Treves,” “patriarche,” and “ou moyne” become, respectively, “Thebes,” “paterneche,” and “à moins.” “Cochin” is turned into “Virne.”[n0008] “Chidabbe” escapes perversion because it is in autograph elsewhere, but Blaise, forgetting that the African S. Augustine is speaking, sagely informs us that “this mountain is in the environs of Thonon.” The note on p. 191 represents a not unimportant restoration of the text. The copy had sapines, the printed text besoins; the context easily guided one to the right word, psaulmes.
「Si fecond」在抄本中变成了「et tailleurs」;莱昂纳德通过替换一段安全但无关的文本来解决这个难题。「Frederick Staphyl」在抄本中是「Sedenegue Stapsit」,后来是「Seneque Staphul」或「Staphu」,布莱斯加注说「一位无名作者的无名作品」。维韦斯给出的是「Tilmann, Heshisme et Oraste」;他还把「Bullinger」写成「Vallenger」,把「Jehan Hus」写成「Tesanzaüs」;两位编者都把「Zuingliens」写成了「Tanzuelins」。对于「vermeriques」这个词(我们译为「狂热分子」,第174页)倒是有情可原;它原来是「suermericos」,这是科克莱乌斯喜欢用的词,可能源自 schwärmer。「Diego of Alcala」变成了「Diogenes of Archada」,「Judas」被用来代替「Donatus」;「Heshushius」、「Zosime」或「Zuingle」代替了「Ochin」。「Treves」、「patriarche」和「ou moyne」分别变成了「Thebes」、「paterneche」和「à moins」。「Cochin」被改成了「Virne」。[n0008]「Chidabbe」幸免于被歪曲,因为它在别处有亲笔手稿,但布莱斯忘了说话的正是非洲的圣奥古斯丁,还自作聪明地告诉我们「这座山在托农附近」。第191页的注释代表了对文本一次并非不重要的复原。抄本中是 sapines,印刷文本是 besoins;上下文很容易引导人找到正确的词,psaulmes。
In Article IV we return to the Saint’s own clear hand in the MS and so to greater verbal correctness. Most of this invaluable section is supplied by the Annecy MS.
在第四篇文章中,我们回归到手稿中圣人本人的清晰笔迹,因此语言准确性更高。这一宝贵部分的大部分内容由安锡手稿提供。
(8) Article VI, on the Pope, has been fairly well edited from the Roman MS. We are able to supply from the Annecy autograph a large and most important addition on the qualities of an ex cathe drâ judgment (pp. 299–311), of which we give the original French text in an appendix.
(8) 关于教宗的第六条,已根据罗马手稿进行了相当完善的编辑。我们从安锡手稿中补充了一段篇幅较大且极为重要的内容,涉及ex cathe drâ(宗座权威)判断的性质(第299–311页),其原文法语文本我们将在附录中提供。
Of this article we find two recensions in the Roman text, one in autograph and the other, which lacks the first two chapters, not. The autograph is much superior on the whole, but the order of the other recension is better, and in this we have followed it. From it also we have introduced into our translation the important passage (pp. 276–7): “And if the wills, &c.” to end of paragraph. On the same page occurs the pregnant statement that the headship of Peter is the form of Apostolic unity, that is, that the Apostles formed one body precisely by virtue of their union with Peter. This word forme was correctly printed in Blaise’s edition of this part in 1833, but Vivès and Migne have altered it into fermeté. We have paid particular attention to the important list of Papal titles (pp. 291–2). Blaise had certainly a right to complain of the mistakes in the references here, but they are the fault of the first editor, not of the author, and on careful examination we find that of the 53 titles all are correct except perhaps two; of which one cannot be traced, another attributes to Anacletus, a letter which belongs to Siricius. Almost the same list is given in the first chapter of the Fabrian code, Article V.[n0009]
关于这篇文章,我们在罗马文本中发现有两个修订版本,一个是手稿本,另一个则缺少前两章,并非手稿本。手稿本整体上要优越得多,但另一个修订本的顺序更好,我们遵循了后者。我们还从这个版本中引入了我们翻译中的重要段落(第276–277页):“如果意志,等等。”直到段落结束。在同一页上,出现了关于彼得首席权是使徒合一的形式这一重要陈述,也就是说,使徒们之所以形成一个身体,正是因为他们与彼得的联合。这个词 forme 在布莱斯1833年出版的这部分版本中印刷正确,但维韦斯和米涅将其改为 fermeté。我们特别关注了重要的教宗称号列表(第291–292页)。布莱斯确实有理由抱怨此处参考文献的错误,但这是第一位编辑的过错,而非作者的过错;经过仔细检查,我们发现53个称号中,除了可能有两个之外,其余都是正确的:其中一个无法追溯,另一个将属于西里修的一封信归给了阿纳克莱图斯。几乎相同的列表出现在《法布里亚诺法典》第一章,第五条。[n0009]
(9) Article VII, on miracles, now put in its proper place, needs no special remark, except as to the note on p. 312. The sentence of Montaigne’s referred to is probably the following, from the 22nd essay “On Custom”: “Miracles are miracles to our ignorance of nature, but not according to the actual powers of nature.” Montaigne of course is speaking as the Saint is, of apparent miracles. We have a beautiful expression of Montaigne’s faith in real miracles, for instance, such as those related by S. Augustine (de Civ. Dei xxii) in Essay 26:
(9) 第七条论奇迹,现已置于恰当位置,无需特别说明,唯第312页的注释除外。所引蒙田的句子,很可能出自其第22篇随笔〈论习俗〉:「奇迹之所以为奇迹,乃因我们对自然无知,而非自然本身的实际能力。」蒙田当然与圣人一样,是在谈论表面上的奇迹。我们可在其第26篇随笔中,找到他对真实奇迹——例如圣奥古斯丁(天主之城 xxii)所记述的那些——之信仰的优美表达:
“Of what shall we accuse him (S. Augustine) and the two holy Bishops, Aurelius and Maximinus, whom he calls to be witnesses with him? Of ignorance, simplicity, facility of belief, or of malice and imposture? Is there any man in our age impudent enough to think himself comparable to them, whether in virtue and piety or in learning, judgment, and competence? Giving no reason they would conquer one by their very authority.[n0010] To despise what we cannot comprehend is a dangerous boldness and serious risk, to say nothing of the absurd rashness which it brings in its train. For after you have established, according to your fine understanding, the limits of truth and falsehood, and it turns out that you are forced to believe things which are still more extraordinary than those you deny, you are already obliged to give them up.”
「我们该指控他(圣奥古斯丁)以及他请来作见证的两位圣主教——奥勒留与马克西米努斯什么呢?无知、单纯、轻信,还是恶意与欺诈?在我们这个时代,有谁狂妄到认为自己能与他们相比——无论是在德行与虔敬上,还是在学识、判断力与能力上?他们无需给出理由,仅凭其权威就能征服一个人。[n0010] 藐视我们无法理解的事物,是一种危险的鲁莽与严重的风险,更不用说随之而来的荒谬轻率。因为在你依据你那精妙的理解,确立了真理与谬误的界限之后,结果却被迫相信那些比你否认的事物更加不可思议的东西,你就已经不得不放弃它们了。」
(10) The early sentences of Article VIII will be seen to be a little unconnected. The first paragraph consists of detached notes from various parts of the MS. In c. 3 we have inserted the part on the analogy of faith, as in what seemed to be the most suitable place.
第八条的前几句看起来有些松散。第一段包含了从手稿各处摘录的零散笔记。在第三章中,我们加入了关于信仰类比的部分,放在我们认为最合适的位置。
We have now said what we think necessary as to the substance of this work and as to our editing. As to its manner we only repeat that to many this volume will be a new revelation of the Saint. The same calm sanctity, the same heavenly wisdom, the same charisma of sweetness pervade all his works, but as a controversialist, as a champion of the Church, he here puts on that martial bearing, takes up those mighty weapons, proper to inspire confidence into his comrades and to make his enemies quail before him.
至此,我们已就本书的实质内容及我们的编辑工作阐述了必要的观点。关于其风格,我们只需重申:对许多人而言,这部著作将是圣人的全新启示。同样的沉静圣德、同样的属天智慧、同样的甘饴神恩,贯穿于他所有的作品之中;但在此处,作为一位论辩者、作为教会的捍卫者,他展现出那种战士般的风范,操起那些强大的武器,足以激发同袍的信心,并使他的敌人在他面前战栗。
It is remarkable that after a sleep of ten generations the Saint should appear first to preach again his true words in a country so similar to that for which they were first preached and providentially written. And though the heresy is more inveterate, it is the more excusable, and he comes, as he did not come to the Chablais, first recommended by his moral and devotional teaching. It is providential, too, that he should wait so long, that he should slumber during the fierce Gallican and Jansenist struggles of the 17th and 18th centuries, that his words on these controverted matters should up to now be so doubtful that neither friend nor foe could safely dare to quote them. He appears like an ancient record, or rather like an ancient Prophet, to witness to the plain and simple belief of the Church in the days before these storms arose, to prove to us that the Church’s exclusive right to teach, the necessity of having mission from her, the evilness of heresy, the supremacy and infallibility of the Pope are not inventions, not doctrines of today or yesterday, but the perpetual and necessary truths of Catholic faith. And this is the particular excellence of S. Francis: he defends the Church from accusations of falseness, but indirectly he still more fully clears her doctrines of the charge of novelty.[n0011] It might well be thought that the controversy of the sixteenth century would be somewhat out of date now. But this is not true of the present work, not only on account of the intrinsic efficacy of its argument and language, not only on account of the sort of prophetic insight by which he reaches in advance of his time and answers objections that had scarcely yet arisen, but also chiefly because there lies behind the strength of his reasons the weight of his authority as a witness, as a doctor, we had almost said, in these days of rapid movement, as a father of the Church. And there is no doctor who better represents the true Catholic supernatural spirit, far removed from rationalism on the one hand, from superstition and fanaticism on the other. Instead of being an extremist, as Gallicans would nickname true believers, he was accused, in his own time, of lessening the fullness of Catholic doctrine. He says (p. 2), “It will be seen that I deny a thousand impieties attributed to Catholics: this is not in order to escape from the difficulty, as some have said, but to follow the holy intention of the Church.” He preaches the full but simple Catholic truth, and his teaching was at last accepted as such by the 72,000 heretics of the Chablais. They had rejected Catholic doctrine when misunderstood, but when they understood what it was they hesitated indeed, from worldly motives, as to accepting it at all, but then they took it with simplicity as a whole, making no hesitation as to a part, or on the ground of inconsistency of part with part. Modern heretics would make such a distinction, there are even within the Church those who try to do so. For such we add, by way of conclusion to our Preface and of introduction to the Saint’s argument, the testimony of an unsuspected witness of his own age:
值得注意的是,这位圣人沉睡十代之后,竟首先在一个与当初他宣讲并蒙天意写下真言之地如此相似的国家,再度现身传讲他的真言。尽管异端更为根深蒂固,却也更可原谅,而他此番前来,正如他当初未去沙布莱那样,首先是以其道德与灵修教导而受推崇。这也是天意的安排:他等待如此之久,在十七、十八世纪激烈的法国教会自主论与詹森主义斗争中沉睡,以致他关于这些争议问题的言论至今仍如此模糊,无论是友是敌都不敢轻易引用。他如同古老的记录,或更似古老的先知,见证着风暴兴起之前教会那朴素而单纯的信仰,向我们证明:教会独有的教导权、从她领受使命的必要性、异端的邪恶、教宗的至高权与无误性,并非发明,亦非今日或昨日的教义,而是大公信仰永恒且必要的真理。而这正是圣方济各的独特卓越之处:他捍卫教会免受虚假的指控,但间接地,他更彻底地洗清了其教义被指为新颖的罪名。[n0011] 或许有人会认为,十六世纪的争议如今已有些过时。但对这部作品而言,这并非事实,不仅因其论证与语言的内在效力,不仅因他那近乎先知般的洞察力——他超前于时代,回应了当时几乎尚未出现的异议——更主要的是,在他理由的力量背后,是他作为见证者、作为博士(在这快速变迁的时代,我们几乎要称他为教父)的权威分量。没有哪位博士能比他更好地代表真正大公的超性精神,既远离理性主义,又远离迷信与狂热。他并非极端分子(如法国教会自主论者给真信徒起的绰号那样),反而在他自己的时代被指控为削弱了大公教义的完整性。他说(第2页):「人们将看到,我否认了成千上万归咎于天主教徒的亵渎之词:这不是为了逃避困难,如某些人所言,而是为了遵循圣教会的圣洁意图。」他宣讲完整而朴素的大公真理,他的教导最终被沙布莱的七万两千名异端分子所接受。他们曾因误解而拒绝大公教义,但当他们明白其真义时,确实因世俗动机而犹豫是否全然接受,然而随后他们便单纯地将其作为一个整体接纳,对其中任何部分毫不迟疑,也不以部分与部分之间的不一致为由。现代的异端分子会做这样的区分,甚至在教会内部也有人试图如此。为此,我们谨以一位他同时代无可置疑的见证者的证言,作为我们序言的结语,也作为这位圣人论证的引言:
“What seems to me,” says Montaigne, in the essay we last quoted, “to bring so much disorder into our consciences in these troubles which we are in as to religious matters is this dispensation which Catholics make in their belief. They fancy they act as moderate and enlightened men when they grant their adversaries some article which is in debate. But besides that they do not see what an advantage it is to the man who attacks you to begin to yield to him, and to draw back yourself, and how this encourages him to pursue his advantage,—those articles which they choose as the lightest are sometimes very important. We must entirely submit to the authority of our ecclesiastical tribunal or entirely dispense ourselves from it; it is not for us to determine the amount of obedience we owe to it. Besides,—and I can say it as having tried it, because I formerly used this liberty of choosing for myself and of personal selection, holding in light esteem certain points of observance belonging to our Church, which appear on the face of them somewhat idle or strange;—when I came to discuss them with learned men I have found that these things have a strong and very solid base, and that it is only folly and ignorance which make us receive them with less reverence than the rest.”[n0012]
「在我看来,」蒙田在上一篇引用的文章中写道,「在我们所处的宗教纷争中,给良心带来如此混乱的,正是天主教徒在信仰上所做的这种让步。他们以为,当自己向对手让步某些争议点时,表现得既温和又开明。但他们看不到,这对攻击你的人来说是多么有利——你一开始就让步,自己后退,这会鼓励他继续扩大优势;而且,他们选作最无关紧要的那些点,有时其实非常重要。我们必须完全服从教会审判机构的权威,或者完全豁免自己;我们无权决定自己该服从多少。此外——我可以这么说,因为我曾尝试过:我以前也使用这种自由,自己选择、个人拣选,轻视我们教会某些看起来有点无聊或奇怪的规条;——当我与博学之士讨论时,我发现这些规条有着坚实而稳固的基础,只是愚昧无知让我们对它们的敬畏不如其他部分。」[n0012]
WEOBLEY.
韦奥伯利
Feast of S. Francis de Sales, 29th January 1886.
圣方济各·撒肋爵节,1886年1月29日